'The big casino" is what Ronald Reagan used to call the winner-take-all presidential primary in his home state of California. As in Reagan's days in national politics, the Golden State primary will give all of its record-high number of national convention delegates to whoever emerges on top in the balloting, no matter what the margin of victory.
The two differences between the California primary of 2000 and those in the past are the date and the voting rules. For only the second time, Californians will go to the polls early, March 7, instead of the traditional June primary. Moreover, for the first time in a presidential election year, Golden State voters will make their selections under the "open primary" rules enacted by voters in 1996. Candidates for office will appear on the same ballot regardless of party, meaning that registered Democrats can help choose a Republican nominee and vice-versa.
Interestingly, one of the premier forces behind the '96 initiative that created the open primary, moderate-to-liberal Rep. Tom Campbell, may well be its chief beneficiary as he pursues the GOP nod to oppose Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein. When he revealed his intention to go for the Senate, Northern California Rep. Campbell (lifetime American Conservative Union rating: 59%) made it clear to me that he would "openly appeal" to Democratic and independent voters.
Among the issues in the Campbell portfolio that he hopes will help him attract independent and Democratic votes: his long-standing support of extending to sexual preference the protections of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act; his unyielding pro-abortion stance (Campbell is one of only eight Republican House members who oppose a ban on partialbirth abortions); and his strong stand in favor of campaign finance "reform" with strict, statist limitations on fundraising and spending 6 la John McCain. (Campbell refuses to accept money from political action committees, and if elected, he vows to become the third GOP senator to co-sponsor the McCain-Feingold "reform" legislation).
In what is shaping up as a clear ideological shootout, Campbell's principle opponent for the GOP Senate nod is State Senate Minority Whip Ray Haynes of Riverside, one of the most conservative lawmakers in Sacramento. Backed by most of his colleagues in the legislature, 45-year-old attorney Haynes has a strong following among grassroots activists on the right, such as the conservative California Republican Assembly.
The change in the nature of the primary notwithstanding, Haynes made it clear when he visited our offices last year that the strong contrast between himself and Campbell on key issues will arouse traditional primary voters and put him over the top in March. 'Tom Campbell is out of step with the party mainstream, and if he does in fact run," Haynes told me at the time, I think I would pay his filing fee."
Haynes makes no bones about his "unapologetically prolife" position, and notes he was the sponsor of legislation in the state senate to ban state funds for partial-birth abortions. He has vowed never to support "special rights" for homosexuals and is a strong booster of the statewide initiative on the March ballot, adamantly opposed by Campbell, that would define marriage as the union between male and female-a proposal that has really energized organized gaydom, as it would no doubt rule out benefits for domestic partners if enacted.
"And after reading the report on Chinese espionage by the committee chaired by California's own [Republican Rep.] Chris Cox," he told us, "I'm convinced that there is no excuse for their acquiring our missile and satellite technology and those responsible for it should be criminally punished." Haynes also makes it clear he would oppose continued Most Favored Nation trading status with Red China.
Last week, Haynes' campaign got a major boost with a strong endorsement from Bruce Herschensohn, easily the most revered figure among Golden State conservatives and the winner of the still-remembered Republican Senate primary of 1992 against Tom Campbell. In a nationally watched contest that in may ways parallels the Senate primary of today, author and Los Angeles TV commentator Herschensohn edged the better-funded Campbell in a race notable for the sharp differences on issues between the protagonists. "Bruce Herschensohn is lying!" blared one of Campbell's controversial commercials, charging that the conservative hopeful "wants to take away your Social Security." (Herschensohn went on to lose a heartbreakingly close fall race to arch-leftist Democrat Barbara Boxer.)
Much as Barry Goldwater aroused legions of young conservatives toward involvement in GOP politics, Herschensohn in 1992 inspired the same feelings in California, and many of the present powers in the California GOP (notably State Party Chairman John McGraw) trace their political involvement to the candidacy of "Mr. Conscience of a California, Conservative" eight years ago. Sources at state party headquarters told us that Herschensohn is one of their most in-demand speakers and that his endorsement is likely worth 5% to 10% in a contested primary.
One worry among Haynes enthusiasts has been the efforts of a third candidate, San Diego County Supervisor Bill Horn, Vietnam veteran, successful entrepreneur and, like Haynes, a conservative. While able to give his campaign an eady jump-start with a six-figure infusion from his own money, Horn lacks Haynes' recognition among conservative activists statewide and does not appear to have a solid organization on the ground.
But Hom is a significant candidate and could well pull enough votes on the right to guarantee a Campbell win. Most Haynes supporters we talked to, however, felt confident that the blessings of Herschensohn and the bulk of Republican legislators would shore up conservatives before March 7, although they recognize that Campbell, as a former statewide candidate, is a formidable opponent.
Also in California: In profiling the brewing effort of liberal Republicans in California's Orange County to dislodge veteran Party Chairman and stalwart conservative Tom Fuentes (see "Politics," January 28), 1 identified Larry Higby, former Nixon White House aide and Apria Health Care Group, as one of the ringleaders of the well-heeled anti-Fuentes group known as the New Majority Committee.
I also noted that Higby was the Nixon staffer who made headlines in 1973 by testifying before the Senate Watergate Committee and tearfully admonishing young people to "stay away" from politics. On that part, I erred. As Bruce Herschensohn pointed out to me, while Higby did serve under Nixon White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman and testified in the televised hearings, the former staffer who did the crying and told the young to "stay away" was Gordon C. Strachan, later general counsel to the U.S. Information Agency.
That aside, Higby and his committee-their coffers now brimming with more than $500,000, much of it from area businessmen-have been stepping up their attacks against what they deem "the far right-wing position that is in existence," hoping to win enough votes on the GOP county committee March 7 to dislodge Fuentes. Fuentes-backers have countered with a committee to support him known as "Unity 2000" and have signed such well-known members as State Assembly GOP Leader Scott Baugh and 1998 U.S. Senate hopeful Darrell Issa. Referring to their opponents, Fuentes supporter Adam Probolsky said, "If [they] ever came to a Central Committee meeting or ever walked a precinct, they would see how effective the party is."
(Unity 2000 Political Action Committee, PO Box 7223, Newport Beach, Calif 92656)
DeVos Departs
Michigan Republicans were stunned last week when State Party Chairman Betsy DeVos abruptly resigned her position. In a three-page resignation letter and subsequent press conference, DeVos; (who previously served as GOP national committeewoman) cited strong differences with longtime friend Gov. John Engler (R.) over the fall statewide ballot initiative providing vouchers for certain school districts. DeVos has been a strong backer of the proposal (her husband, prominent entrepreneur Richard DeVos, is chairman of the committee pushing for passage of the measure), while Engler has declared his vigorous opposition to the initiative and predicted its defeat. (See HumAN EVENTS, January 14, page 4.) The departure of DeVos and Engler's opposition to the voucher proposal, many feel, make it less likely that he might be chosen for the vice-presidential slot on the Republican ticket.
Engler is expected to name DeVos's replacement shortly. The most talked-of prospect is former state legislator Dan Gustafson, now chief of staff to Conservative Lt. Gov. Dick Posthumus.
