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| Psychological Record, The: NEAR-MISS EFFECTS ON RESPONSE LATENCIES AND WIN ESTIMATIONS OF SLOT MACHI |
The present study examined the degree to which slot machine near-miss trials, or trials that displayed 2 of 3 winning symbols on the payoff line, affected response times and win estimations of 12 recreational slot machine players. Participants played a commercial slot machine in a casino-like laboratory for course extra-credit points. Videotaped sessions were later coded to assess trial types and participant response latencies and win estimations for each participant. Results show that all 12 participants emitted verbalizations suggesting near-miss trials were of a higher approximation to a win than non-near-miss losing trials. Of the 12 participants 8 also demonstrated higher response latencies following losing trials than following winning trials. Variations across participants' response latencies were attributed to the presence of and response to near miss trials. The implications of the near-miss on game preference, resistance to extinction, and the development of a behavioral treatment for pathological gamblers are discussed.
The American Psychiatric Association (1994) estimates that 3% of the American population currently has problems with gambling. This number has increased from 1% in 1974 (Ladouceur, Boisvert, Pepin, Loranger, & Sylvain, 1994). Co-morbidity with other dehabilitating disorders such as suicide (Phillips, Welty, & Smith, 1997), income related crime (Blaszczynski & McConaghy, 1994), and depression (National Gambling Impact Study Commission, 1999) are higher in problem gamblers than the rest of the population. With legalized gambling increasing in availability during the past two decades from 2 to 48 states, and financial losses per year increasing from 10.4 billion in 1982 to over $40 billion today (Ghezzi, Lyons, & Dixon, 2000), our society is starting to realize that we might have a substantial cultural problem on our hands (NGISC, 1999).
Slot machine gambling has become a major source of casino income in the United States during the past few years. More than 60% of all dollars generated by gaming revenues in the state of Nevada come from slot machine losses, and the figure has risen constantly since 1970 (Nevada State Gaming Control Board, 1997). Attached to these dollars are financial and psychological losses for many individuals. The variable/random-ratio reinforcement schedule programmed into the slot machine has been claimed to be a strong maintainer of gambling behavior (Knapp, 1998; Skinner, 1953). Skinner (1953) also stated, "almost hitting the jack pot increases the probability that the individual will play the machine." Here if the schedule of reinforcement is accompanied by nonreinforced trials that appear to approximate wins or "near misses" it may control behavior even more so. An oxymoron occurs when what most people would consider a losing spin on a slot machine actually takes on properties of a winning spin.
The influence of a near miss on gambling behavior has been previously discussed outside of behavior analysis as a cognitive bias inducing the player to continue playing (Reid, 1986). The bias is a hypothetical construct within or characteristic of the individual responsible for an illogical calculation of reality that explains gambling behavior. Reid (1986) also claimed that the near miss may be considered a type of reinforcer, because it is hypothesized to produce physiological arousal similar to the excitement occurring after a win. While physiological changes such as heart rate have been shown following wins (Brown, 1986), similar empirical accounts with near misses have not been reported. Even if they were, they still would not add to a psychological analysis. A closer approximation to a behavioral account was proposed by Griffiths (1999) claiming that near misses provide feedback for participants that encourages them to continue playing because a win is sure to follow. He also believed that near misses functioned as a type of psychological reward, although he did not specify what that reward was. Unfortunately an empirical demonstration of participants' responses to or evaluations of near misses has not been conducted even among these researchers. The conceptual rhetoric and hypotheses surrounding gambling behavior are not advancing science or influencing treatment strategies. Only data can effectively produce change.
Many researchers have recognized the psychological aspect of the gambling experience throughout the years, and along with the boom in legalized gambling came a boom in published research articles related to gambling. We conducted a literature search on the American Psychological Association's database "Psych-Info" using the key words "gambling" and "pathological gambling" and yielded only 7 articles published in 1972, 9 in 1982, a jump to 61 in 1992, and to 80 in 2000. While many researchers in psychology are beginning to address this socially important issue, behavior analysts surprisingly have not. Specifically related to gambling, no paper has appeared in the Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, the Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, and only three in The Psychological Record. To date, a single-subject analysis of slot machine gambling has not been reported, the effectiveness of behavioral treatments of problem gamblers has not been demonstrated, and a behavioral conceptualization of the gambling has not been presented in the pages of the leading behavioral journals.
There are many possible reasons for the lack of behavior analytic research on gambling. First, to examine gambling out of the casino appears to be contrived. Artificial games, reinforcers, and participants cast such attempts into the realm of basic or experimental research. However, experimental analyses demand tight control of many variables that randomly occur during gambling. Reinforcement probability, density, and magnitude that freely vary from player to player in the casino would need to be systematically controlled for. Furthermore, the apparatus itself, the slot machine, cannot be reprogrammed for experimental use and may even evoke a history of responding that is not a product of the current experimental contingencies. This may result in reducing the task to some arbitrary response such as a mouse click or button press further limiting external validity. Second, to examine gambling in the casino appears impossible. Federal regulations do not allow for the manipulation of game variables that would be of interest to a behavior analyst. Researchers are also not allowed to videotape casino patrons for observational purposes of assessing response rates, response strength, game foraging, or resistance to extinction. Third, behavioral treatment attempts are premature. Successful attempts would add nicely to the applied literature, but because we do not have an understanding of the basic behavioral processes involved in gambling, efforts would be hit and miss. A potential solution to these problems is to initially conduct bridge studies (Mace & Wacker, 1994) that attempt to retain some degree of experimental control to aid in an understanding of the principles of behavior that are operating during gambling. The studies could retain some degree of external validity by utilizing approximations of real-world casino stimuli and participants. The value of such bridge studies has been more generally noted by Wacker (1996) and Stromer (2000) and may merit exploration in a gambling context.
Therefore, the purpose of the present study was to forge an initial attempt at a behavioral analysis of gambling. First, and with great difficulty, we obtained an actual slot machine from a Las Vegas casino, and attempted to determine if human behavior on a slot machine was orderly and predictable. Because of the exploratory nature of the procedure and the virtual nonexistence of behavioral interventions for pathological gamblers, only nonproblem gamblers were used specifically to reduce the risk of increasing the severity of an existing gambling problem. Second, we assessed participants' verbal responses to losing trials to determine if variations would be exhibited by our participants across trial types, or if psychologists themselves had constructed the importance of a "near miss." Third, we attempted to relate our findings to the creation of possible behavioral treatment strategies for problem gamblers.
Method
Participants
Twelve undergraduate students enrolled in psychology or rehabilitation undergraduate classes participated in the experiment for course extra-credit and for a probabilistic cash prize of $50.00 awarded in a random drawing containing all participants' names. All participants had some previous knowledge and experience playing slot machines and signed an informed consent form before participating.
Apparatus and Setting
Continued from page 1.
The experimental apparatus consisted of a 1978 Bally's Quarter Slot Machine with a single payoff line that was modified to accept tokens. Figure 1 provides a picture of the machine. This specific slot machine had three reels that would spin when the participant pulled a handle on the right side of the machine. Each reel consisted of 22 symbols, three positions of which were visible to the player via the payout window. Of these visible symbols, only ones aligning on the middle location, or the "payout line" were considered possible winning payouts. Symbol variations that would result in a payout were displayed on the upper section of the slot machine. Reels would stop sequentially from left to right approximately 3 s following a handle pull. If a winning combination of symbols were aligned on the middle payout line, the corresponding number of tokens was dispensed into a payout tray located at the bottom of the machine. All sessions were conducted and videotaped in a small quiet room approximately 10' by 11' containing other gambling devices, microcomputers, and a one-way observation mirror.
Procedure
All participants were told the following instructions before beginning the experiment.
Please play this slot machine one token at a time. Each time you do not win, please estimate the degree to which your losing spin was close to a win using a scale from 1 to 10 with 1 being far from a win, and 10 being as close to winning as possible. Do not play any tokens that might be dispensed from the slot machine on your winning spins. Continue playing until all the tokens I gave you are gone.
An 8'' × 11'' piece of paper was affixed to the wall approximately 6'' above the slot machine with the 10-point scale printed on it in 24-point font. If the participant had no other questions, the experimenter gave the participant 100 tokens (which would correspond to 100 total trials), pressed record on the video camera, and left the room.
Session Analysis
Two dependent measures were later obtained from each participant's videotaped session. First, we recorded the response latency between trials or spins. Latency was defined as the time from the stopping of the reels of the slot machine until the participant inserted the next token to initiate the next trial. Second, we recorded the trial type as a win, a near miss, or a loss. A win was defined as a trial that resulted in three identical symbols (or one "Cherry" symbol) appearing on the payout line, which subsequently resulted in the payout of tokens from the slot machine. A near miss was defined as a trial that resulted in two identical and one different symbols appearing on the payout line, which did not result in the payout of any tokens (the picture of the slot machine in Figure 1 illustrates such a combination). A loss was defined as any trial not meeting either of the above two definitions.
All postsession analysis of participant behavior was conducted by one of the two authors reviewing each participant's videotape. During this review, the experimenter considered latency and trial type information using a computer program requiring a simple mouse click to indicate trial type and start-stop times of each trial. Mark Dixon created this computer program using Microsoft Visual Basic 6.0.
A second observer who was not aware of the purpose of the study also coded the performance of 6 participants, or 50% of the sample size. An agreement was noted for response latency if both observers scored the same trial's latency within .25 s of each other. An agreement was noted for trial type if both observers scored the same trial's type identically. Interobserver agreement was calculated by dividing the number of agreements by the number of agreements plus disagreements and then multiplying by 100. The resulting agreement was 91% for response latency and 100% for trial type.
Statistical analyses were conducted on resulting data solely to support visual inspection of that data. These analyses are somewhat controversial to include in a behavioral analysis (Baron, 1999) and may distract from understanding the behavior of the single-subject (Perone, 1999). We have chosen to include them as supplemental information in an attempt to strengthen the acceptability of our findings to the broader psychological community which may not be as easily persuaded by a descriptive single-subject analysis as suggested by Ator (1999) and Crosbie (1999).
Results
All participants played the slot machine for 100 trials. Distribution of wins, near misses, and losses varied somewhat in density and magnitude across participants because the apparatus was an actual slot machine from a casino. Table 1 displays a detailed description of the contingencies contacted by each participant. In summary, participants contacted losing spins between 45-60% of the time, winning spins 8-21%, and near-miss spins 27-42%. Total payouts ranged from 19 to 93 tokens, while the average payout ranged from 2.32 to 7.50 tokens. While these contingencies did vary across participants, no reinforcement variation produced observable response variations at the level of the single subject.
Regardless of the specifics of the individual contingencies contacted, participants' responses to slot machine trial outcomes were notably similar. Figure 2 displays each participant's average subjective estimation of how close the losing trial was to a win. Again, the 10-point Likert-type scale indicates that lower estimations were deemed far from a win, and high estimations were deemed closer to a win. These data show that all 12 participants estimated that near-miss type trials as being somehow closer to a winning spin than non-near miss, or total loss trials. Five paired t tests were conducted on the present data set to support visual inspection of the single-subject data. Because multiple f tests were conducted, we set the critical alpha level at .008 (.05 alpha / 6 tests) to control for an over inflation of the probability of a Type I error occurring. A significant difference was observed between the two trial types, t(11) = 6.916, p
To further determine if specific topographies of near misses influenced estimation ratings, all near-miss trials were separated into three subcategories: (a) trials with two winning symbols located in the left and middle payout line position (left), (b) trials with two winning symbols located in the left and right payout line position (split), and (c) trials with two winning symbols located in the middle and right payout line position (right). Figure 3 displays the resulting mean subjective estimations of win approximation for each participant. Of 12 participants, 11 emitted higher estimations for near-miss types of left or right than they did for a split. Only participant 210 had an equal value for right and splits. Near misses with winning symbols on the left and middle or right and middle of the payout line were estimated as closer to a win than near misses with winning symbols split on the left and right. Four paired t tests were conducted to support visual inspection of the data. Significant differences were observed between the left versus split, t(11) = 3.895, p
Figure 4 displays each participant's mean response latency following winning and all types of losing trials (i.e., included all types of near misses). Of the 12 participants, 8 displayed longer response latencies following a winning trial than following a losing trial. Only participants 201, 203, 205, and 209 displayed the opposite pattern of losing trial latencies being longer than winning trial latencies. As expected by visual inspection, a paired t test yielded a nonsignificant difference between trial types, t(11) = 1.767, p = .105.
Because variations were observed across participants, further analyses were conducted in an attempt to determine a potential variable responsible for these single-subject differences. Figure 5 again displays each participant's mean response latency following winning trials, yet now also displays a separation of the two types of losing trials: total loss trials and near-miss trials. When reexamining the latencies from participants 201, 203, 205, and 209, it can be seen that these 4 participants had much greater response latencies following near-miss trials than total loss trials. In fact, these 4 participants, and only these four participants, had response latencies greater following near-miss trials than following winning trials. Visual inspection of the data without these 4 participants suggests that there are noticeable differences between winning and all types of losing trials for the remainder of the participants.
Discussion
Continued from page 2.
Our current data lend an initial empirical foundation to Skinner's theoretical comment that "almost hitting the jack pot increases the probability that the individual will play the machine" (1953, p. 397). The near miss, or in Skinner's words "almost a win," appears to be evaluated by participants as approximating a winning trial more so than a total loss trial type. This belief by our participants was entirely erroneous. No losing trial was any closer to a win than any other. All losses were in fact equal. The pure randomness of the variable ratio schedule of the slot machine results in each upcoming trial having the exact probability of a win as the one before it, the one after it, and so on. There was no internal mechanism within the slot machine that somehow came close to wins when two winning symbols appeared on the payoff line. The observed fluctuations in subjective estimations of trial approximations to wins also may suggest that a slot machine with near misses may be favored by participants over one without near misses. Although our study did not directly examine preference for machines containing more near-miss trial types over machines containing few or no near-miss trial types, or the length/probability of playing near-miss machines versus non-near-miss machines, future research could easily do so. The implications regarding participant preference among alternatives and their resistance to extinction are substantial both experimentally and clinically.
For example, if a person with a gambling problem is exposed to a machine with a high density of near misses, they may have to continue to play for longer periods of time than they would on a non-near-miss machine. Initial behavioral treatment attempts might include teaching appropriate discrimination of losses-of which any type of loss is just as far from a win as any other loss. This could be done by having a preparation similar to the current study's method, videotaping the participant, having them review their tape, and providing them feedback when they identified incorrect estimations of losing trials. Future sessions could be conducted and examination of the frequency of incorrect estimations could be assessed. This approach is similar to what has been described from a cognitive behavioral standpoint by Bujold, Ladouceur, Sylvain, and Boisvert (1994) regarding gambling fallacies more generally, and it may merit exploration by behavior analysts attempting to treat problem gambling.
In the present study, there also appeared to be various topographies of near misses which had different levels of control over participants' verbal estimations. Two winning symbols on the left or right and middle positions of the payoff line resulted in higher estimations than two winning symbols split between the right and left position of the payoff line. These effects may have been caused by the physical proximity of the "winning" stimuli or symbols, which resulted in a discriminative stimulus that more physically resembled a win resulting in a higher estimation, perhaps as a product of stimulus generalization. Although our 25-year-old slot machine randomly generated a good number of near-miss trials to discover some order in participant responding, there are other topographies of near misses found in newer casino slot machines that may warrant investigation which ours simply did not have. For example, it has been suggested (by Reid, 1986) that many newer machines have a higher than random density of two winning symbols on the payoff line with the third winning symbol directly above or below the payoff line. If this is true, together with our results, it may be conceivable that this type of near miss will be evaluated as even closer to a win, preferred by participants, and results in extended play. A next logical step for future research would be to manipulate near-miss density and topography to assess a participant's resistance to extinction. Other preparations might include varying the size of the near-missed jackpot, or in other words the types of winning symbols on the payoff line to determine if there is a near-miss magnitude effect, as it appears to exist for actual jackpots (Delfabbro & Winefield, 1999) resulting in longer response latencies and greater physiological arousal following larger jackpots. Here a participant might have a given percentage of near misses that would have approximated a win of small magnitude of payout, and another percentage of near misses that would have approximated a win of a quite large magnitude of payout. If a near-miss magnitude effect exists, behavioral clinicians might attempt interventions that initially expose the participant to near misses of small jackpots, and gradually fade in near misses of larger jackpots in a similar fashion as what has been done with phobies and their aversive stimuli via gradual systematic desensatation (McGlynn & Rose, 1998). Because game manipulations such as these are impossible with actual casino slot machines, we suggest utilizing the slot machine simulation described by MacLin, Dixon, and Hayes (1999).
The differences observed in response latencies following winning versus total losing trials in the current experiment support previous observations by Dixon and Schreiber (2002) and Schreiber and Dixon (2001). Together these results may be conceptualized by a negative reinforcement and avoidance paradigm (Hineline, 1977) whereby a losing trial is an aversive stimulus that results in the participant initiating the onset of the next trial at a faster rate (shorter latency) to escape the continued presentation of that aversive stimulus. Furthermore, because 9 of our 12 participants displayed longer response latencies for near-miss trials compared to losing trials, it may suggest that near misses were not as aversive as a total loss, and in fact may actually have some reinforcing property, as illustrated by participants 201, 203, 205, and 209. Intervention strategies might be targeted at these pausing points (i.e., after a win or near miss) for participants to count their losses/earnings, assess the true probability of the game, or recall how much they planned on spending before pulling the lever again and initiating the next trial.
Where the current response latency findings differ from previous research is that higher response latencies following wins than following losses were not observed for all participants. Because this was the first study to include near-miss trial types, it appears reasonable to assume that this may have in fact been responsible. It is possible that to these 4 participants near-miss trials were a somewhat different environmental event than they were to other participants. Unfortunately, our current experimental arrangement could not detect what such a difference might have been. All participants were screened for potential gambling pathology using the South Oaks Gambling Screen (Lesieur & Blume, 1987) and no differences between these 4 and the other 8 participants were observed, which may have suggested some type of setting event (Kantor, 1924) or establishing operation (Michael, 1993) in effect. Likewise no differences could be determined between exposures to a specific type of contingency arrangement (i.e., the density or magnitude of winning payouts, strings of losses, etc.), which may have suggested some type of slight variation in the current context was responsible for changes in behavior.
The current findings extend previous research findings that greater response latencies tend to follow wins to actual slot machine players on an actual slot machine instead of novice undergraduates playing computer simulations. Although the difference in the apparatus may seem trivial, the current findings closer approximate the natural stimuli and contingencies contacted in a real casino. Because experimentation including game manipulations within casinos in the United States are not possible (Ghezzi et al., 2000), the current experimental arrangement may be as legally close as behavior analysts can come to an observation of gambling behavior. Furthermore, wagering for course extra-credit and probabilistic cash prizes may be as ethically close to real gambling that we can expose our experimental participants to without obtaining a casino license, or running the risk of them developing a gambling problem.
Continued from page 3.
We propose that the construction of a "near miss" is a verbal event. Almost catching that big fish, almost becoming famous, or almost hitting the jackpot are verbal descriptions of almost reinforcing events, which in turn are reinforced by the culture via responses such as "wow, so close" or "you'll get it next time." These in turn result in the almost events being somewhat reinforcing themselves. The near-miss type of trial was never paired with reinforcement, nor did it signal an upcoming reinforcer delivery. Yet, all our participants appeared to believe that it did. We did not tell participants that a near miss was somewhat closer to a win than a total loss; they told us. Furthermore, the varying response latencies across participants suggest that certain participants respond to near misses differently from others. These variations might be explained in subsequent studies using think-aloud procedures to examine rule following where subjects are required to speak aloud everything they are thinking about during the experiment ( see Hayes, 1986, for a review of this procedure). This procedure might reveal certain rules participants were generating during the experiment, erroneous beliefs they had about the game, or incorrect conceptualizations of randomness.
There are many avenues to explore towards a behavioral analysis of gambling. The importance of verbal behavior's inclusion in the conceptualization and treatment should not be overlooked. We believe that the current data, along with previous behavior analytic work by Lyons and Ghezzi (1995) and Dixon and colleagues (Dixon, 2000; Dixon, Hayes, & Aban, 2000; Dixon & Schreiber, 2003; Schreiber & Dixon, 2001), suggest that gambling is not a pure product of programmed contingencies. If gambling were completely under contingency control, people would not gamble and continue to gamble at the lottery when they have never won. This behavior has never contacted reinforcing consequences, and therefore cannot be explained simply by obtained intermittent programmed reinforcers. Furthermore, types of rules given to players have been shown to change betting strategies (i.e. Dixon et al., 2000) and produce risk-level alterations (Dixon, 2000), while programmed contingencies remained essentially unchanged. The current study now also demonstrates that participants under similar programmed contingencies will respond differently to the various types of gambling trials, both in terms of response latency and in terms of subjective win estimations. Whereas Skinner (1953) stated that the near miss is a "reinforcer (that) costs the owner of the device nothing," we suggest that if it alters a gambler's behavior, its costs to society may be quite substantial.
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MARK R. DIXON
Southern Illinois University
JAMES E. SCHREIBER
Duquesne University
A Faculty Research/Creative Grant awarded to Mark Dixon by Southern Illinois University in part supported this research. We thank Daniel Fienup for assistance with participant recruitment and data collection. We also thank Dr. Thomas Critchfield for his constructive comments on an earlier version of this manuscript. Address all correspondence regarding this paper to Mark R. Dixon, Behavior Analysis and Therapy Program, Rehabilitation Institute, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901.
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